Chapter One Wahab Chasbullah, Traditionalism and the Political Development of Nahdlatul Ulama Greg Fealy There have been few more controversial ulama (religious scholars) in modern Indonesian history than Wahab Chasbullah.1 During a half century of prominence Islamic affairs his actions aroused strong emotions ranging from veneration to contempt. For his followers he was an inspirational and dynamic ulama who gave resolute leadership to the traditionalist Muslim community in times of crisis.2 The more devoted of his supporters regarded him as a wali (saint), an ulama besar (eminent religious scholar) and bapak rohani (spiritual father). For his detractors he epitomised some of the worst aspects of traditional ulama-hood; he was seen as authoritarian, self-serving, casuistical, politically naive and corrupt. Critics pilloried him with appellations such as 'dictator', 'NU's fuehrer', 'kiai pemecah umat' (literally, the Islamic leader who split the community of believers) and kiai Nasakom (a derogatory reference to his role in supporting Sukarno's coalition of nationalist, religious and communist groups). The purpose of this article is to describe and assess Wahab's career and contribution to Indonesian Islam and politics. I will seek to show that whilst there were questionable aspects to his character and actions, he nonetheless had a profound impact on traditional Islam from the late 1910s and, to a lesser extent, on national politics in the 1950s and early 1960s. The article is largely biographical with particular attention given to two periods when his influence was most widely felt: the 1920s and 1950-60. In the former period it will chart his initial rise to prominence as an advocate of traditionalist Muslim values and interests, culminating in the formation of Nahdlatul Ulama, and in the latter, it will examine his term as rais am (president- general) of NU. There are considerable historiographical obstacles to writing an account of Wahab Chasbullah's life. He wrote little for publication and the surviving primary documentary evidence consists of only a few transcripts of speeches and debates, some reprinted letters, and an assortment of brief quotations in the press. In the scholarly literature on Indonesian Islam, he receives, somewhat undeservedly, only brief mention. As a result the material for this study is drawn largely from literature produced by NU writers, much of it hagiographic, and oral evidence obtained from interviews with those who knew him.3 Contradictory information abounds in both of these sources. Early Life Although the general outline of Wahab Chasbullah's early life is reasonably clear, accurate dating of his movements prior to 1920 is extremely problematic. None of the data in the available biographical accounts of these years offers an internally consistent chronology. Wahab was born at his family's pesantren (traditional Islamic school) at Tambakberas, Jombang, East Java. The birth date is suggesting that the actual date may have been 1881 or 1884.4 He was the eldest of eight children,5 and his father, Chasbullah, was a wealthy kiai (religious teacher and scholar) and trader. His family contained many notable ulama and also boasted aristocratic origins.6 His great-grandfather was Kiai Sihah, the founder of Tambakberas. His upbringing and education were typical of a young santri (Muslim student) and aspiring ulama. He was raised at his family's pesantren and from the age of seven received basic religious instruction, including Arabic and Qu'ranic recitation, from his father. At 13 'Gus Dul', as he was known to family and friends, embarked on the life of a santri kelana ('wandering student'), travelling from one pesantren to another gaining religious knowledge. At each pesantren the santri kelana would study the particular texts and branches of Islamic learning in which that kiai specialised. Apart from its didactic aims this period as a 'wandering student' was also seen as a rite of passage from childhood to manhood during which time the santri would gain a sense of independence and self-knowledge. Over the next 15 years, Wahab studied at seven different pesantren in east and central Java. During this time he studied under two of the most influential Javanese ulama of the modern era: Kiai Cholil of Kademangan, Bangkalan, Madura, and Kiai Hasjim Asj'ari of Tebuireng, Jombang. In the latter part of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century Cholil was renowned for his charismatic teaching and magical powers. Hasjim Asj'ari, a prize student of Cholil's, enjoyed a high reputation for his rigorous intellect, piety and deep knowledge of Islamic law and hadis (traditions of the Prophet Muhammad). Both of these ulama attracted santri from throughout the archipelago to their pesantren. Wahab spent three years at Kademangan and four at Tebuireng, rising, at the latter, to the rank of lurah pondok (effectively, manager of the pesantren's daily affairs).7 It was at these pesantren, that Wahab met many future leading ulama including Kiai Bisri Syansuri, who would become his brother-in-law and successor to the NU leadership, Kiai Abdul Karim, the founder of Lirboyo pesantren in Kediri, Kiai Abbas from Buntet, and Kiai As'ad Syamsul Arifin of Situbondo.8 An early indication of Wahab's outlook and temperament can be gained from accounts of his role in the discussion classes or kelas musyawarah for senior santri at Tebuireng. At these sessions various jurisprudential issues would be discussed, with santri being expected to prepare arguments based on references to the classical texts, the kitab kuning (lit. 'yellow books'). In contrast to most of his colleagues, who adopted a strictly textual and legalistic approach, Wahab advocated practical and contextual solutions to the application Of Islamic law. He argued that religious law should not be based solely on jurisprudential texts but must also be sensitive to social conditions. There was little point, he said, in issuing legal opinions which ordinary Muslims did not understand or would not follow. His calls for compromise in the application of the law generated spirited discussion at the kelas musyawarah with his good friend, Bisri Syansuri, a frequent disputant. Hasjim Asj'ari, who would often attend these sessions to offer comments, was also critical of his approach.9 Despite the disapprobation of his colleagues and teacher, Wahab held steadfastly to his views. This combination of wilfulness and realism would become hallmarks of his career. During these years as a santri kelana Wahab studied various aspects of Islam including dogmatic theology (tauhid), jurisprudence (fiqh) and roots of jurisprudence (usul fiqh), Arabic literature, and pronunciation and recitation of the Qu'ran (tajwid). Aside from religious studies, he showed a keen interest in politics and current affairs and would often engage in long debates with his fellow santri on these matters. He also enjoyed physical activities, most notably the indigenous martial art pencak silat. This was a favoured sport in pesantren and, although of short, wiry build, Wahab was said to be a game and skilled exponent.10 At about 27 years of age Wahab completed his Islamic education by travelling to Mecca to undertake the pilgrimage and further study. He was to spend five years there studying with various eminent teachers including Kiai Mahfudz Termas, Kiai Baqir Yogya, Kiai Muchtaram Banyumas and the most senior of all Indonesian ulama in the Hijaz, Syekh Ahmad Chatib from Minangkabau.11 Typically though, Wahab did not restrict himself to Islamic learning. He socialised widely with Malay and Javanese students in Mecca and became active in politics. During his stay there (probably in late 1913) Wahab, along with three colleagues, founded a Meccan branch of the Indonesian political movement, Sarekat Islam.12 Traditionalist Leader Wahab returned from Mecca probably in late 1914 or 1915 when in his early 30s.13 The next ten years were a critical period in his personal development and public career. Rather than return to Tambakberas to teach and assist in the running of his father's pesantren, as was customary for an aspiring kiai, he decided to reside in the bustling port city of Surabaya. The cloistered and routinised nature of pesantren life probably held little allure for the energetic and ambitious Wahab. Surabaya, by contrast, was the second largest metropolis in the Netherlands Indies and boasted a cosmopolitan society and thriving commercial environment. It was also a major centre of political activity in the 1910s with Sarekat Islam, the leftist Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereniging (ISDV) and numerous other organisations having their headquarters there. Wahab soon immersed himself in a diverse range of activities in Surabaya. In 1916 he married the first of his many wives, the daughter of Kiai Musa, a prosperous businessman and religious teacher in the suburb of Kertopaten, and began teaching at his father-in-law's Qu'ranic school.14 In the same year, he co- founded, with Mas Mansoer, a madrasah (Islamic school with grades and modern-style syllabus) called Nahdlatul Wathan (Revival of the Homeland). Wahab served as the head of its teaching council and was joined by close colleagues such as Bisri Syansuri, Abdul Halim Leimunding and Abdullah Ubaid.15 Wahab also established himself as a trader. He dealt initially in rice and wheat from his family's farm at Tambakberas, but later diversified into sugar and precious stones.16 In 1918 he helped to found a commercial cooperative amongst Muslims from Jombang and Surabaya. Called Nahdlatul Tujar (Revival of the Traders), Wahab held the important positions of Treasurer and legal adviser with Hasjim Asj'ari as chairman.17 Though short-lived the venture was a forerunner of many subsequent (and often ill-fated) attempts to create a trading network within the traditionalist Islamic community. Wahab's most lucrative business activity was that of syekh haj or hajj agent, arranging Muslim pilgrimages to Mecca.18 He began working in Kiai Musa's thriving hall agency in the late 1910s but also used connections which he had made with several Arab shaikhs in Jeddah and Mecca during his stay in the Hijaz After his father-in-law's death, he assumed control of the business and soon became a major agent for the Kongsi Tiga shipping line.19 His involvement in hajj matters was later to prove controversial as allegations of inept or corrupt practices were made against him.20 But perhaps his most important activity in the late 1910s and 1920s was his participation in various religious and political groups. Wahab mixed widely in the world of Surabayan politics. A gregarious man who enjoyed debating issues and matching wits with others, he was well suited to political life. Unlike some of his fellow traditionalists, who regarded politics with disdain, Wahab believed it to be a fitting and, indeed, necessary activity for Muslims. 'Islam and politics are as inseparable as sugar and sweetness', he would often say.21 He remained active in Sarekat Islam (SI) at least until the early 1920s and seems to have been one of the young Muslims drawn into the circle of H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, the charismatic SI leader. This would have brought Wahab into contact with prominent figures of the time and many future political leaders as well, including Agus Salim, Ki Hadjar Dewantoro, W. Wondoamiseno, Hendrik Sneevliet, Alimin, Muse, Abikusno Tjokrosujuso, and the young Sukarno, who was then boarding in Tjokroaminoto's house.22 Within the Islamic community of East Java, this was a time of growing polarisation between traditionalists and modernists. since the early 1910s, the modernist movement had expanded rapidly, particularly through organisations such as Muhammadiyah and Al-Irsyad. By the latter part of the decade rivalry between the two streams grew as the modernists won increasing support from within traditionalist strongholds along the north coast region and in eastern Java. This modernist advance posed a two-fold threat to the position of traditionalist ulama: firstly, their authority as religious leaders was challenged by modernist charges of 'un-Islamic' traditionalist practices and advocacy of informed personal interpretation of scripture (ijtihad); and secondly, the economic activities of their families and pesantren were jeopardised by modernist recruiting of well- to-do Muslim traders and landowners.23 Wahab soon emerged as a principal figure in the traditionalist response to this threat. One of his earliest initiatives was to establish a Muslim discussion group called Taswirul Afkar (Constellation of Thoughts) in 1918 with the prominent Surabayan ulama KH Achmad Dachlan of Kebondalam.24 Taswirul Afkar became well known for organising debates on religious problems and particularly issues such as ijtihad and taqlid (acceptance of the legal interpretations of ulama). It was significant as the first formal grouping where modernists and traditionalists met to discuss such controversial matters.25 Wahab featured prominently at gatherings such as these. A vigorous and colourful debater, he was adept at blending serious discussions of principle or law with witty anecdotes or apposite stories from Islamic scripture and history. Although supportive of modernist efforts at educational and social reforms, he rejected their attacks on Sunni Orthodoxy and the primacy of ulama. It was the ulama, he would constantly remind his listeners, who were the legatees of the Prophet (pewaris nabi) and guardians of Islamic law. It was their meticulous scholarship in the sources and interpretation of religious law during the 9- 11th centuries which had resulted in the establishment of the four Sunni law schools and an authoritative codification of the Syariah (Islamic law). Modern-day ulama continued this tradition of erudition and legal guidance. They alone possessed the necessary training and knowledge to interpret Islamic law, he argued. If non-ulama were to assume this role, as proposed by modernists, misinterpretations of the Syariah could arise leading Muslims to commit, unwittingly, improper or sinful acts. During the early 1920s, Wahab's profile rose with the growing rivalry between traditionalists and modernists. He would often engage in public debates with eminent modernists such as KH Achmad Dachlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah, and Al- Irsyad's Syekh Achmad Soerkati.26 In 1921 Muhammadiyah established a branch in Surabaya and Achmad Dachlan succeeded in convincing Mas Mansoer, who had previously had family and professional links with both modernists and traditionalists, to join the organisation. Relations between Wahab and Mansoer seem to have deteriorated from this time, with the latter leaving Nahdlatul Wathan in 1922.27 The two thereafter became the leading spokesmen for their respective causes in Surabaya, engaging in debate at a variety of forums, and gathering around them contingents of loyal followers.28 1922 also saw Wahab embroiled in controversy at the first Al-Islam Congress held in Cirebon, West Java. Attempts to find common ground on reform of the Islamic education system and pre-requisites for ijtihad were only partly successful, leading to sharp exchanges between Wahab and various Al-Irsyad and Muhammadiyah delegates. The debate descended into mutual denunciations with the modernists accusing the traditionalists of polytheism (syirk) and the traditionalists branding the modernists as unbelievers (kafir).29 The traditionalists left the congress deeply mistrustful of the modernists' motives and took no further part in the organisation of subsequent Al-Islam congresses. Relations between the two groups worsened further in 1924 as the Indonesian umat endeavoured to find a united response to two pressing international issues: the future of the caliphate following the Turkish parliament's abolition of that institution, and the capture of Mecca by the Wahhabi leader, Abdul-Aziz ibn Saud. Two world Islamic congresses were scheduled to deal with these issues, the first in Cairo in 1925 and the second in Mecca the following year. At the third Indies Al-Islam Congress held in Surabaya in December 1924 Wahab was chosen as the traditionalist representative on a three-member Indonesian ******* 1 Formally, Wahab's full name was Abdul Wahab Chasbullah though the spelling Hasbullah was also in common use. 2 The term 'traditionalist' refers to those Muslims who adhere to the teachings of one of the four Sunni Schools of Law (mazhab) and are also inclined towards syncretic devotional practices. 'Modernist' Muslims, by contrast, do not acknowledge a priori the authority of any particular mazhab and instead regard the Qur'an and (example of the prophet Muhammad) as the paramount sources of law. They are also highly critical of Muslims practising rituals of a non-islamic origin. 3 The main published source for biographical and anecdotal information is Saifuddin Zuhri, a loyal follower of Wahab. His Kyai Haji Abdulwahab Chasbullah. Bapak dan Pendiri NU, Yamunu, Jakarta, 1972, written to mark the 100-day anniversary of Wahab's death, is effusively eulogistic Saifuddin's Berangkat dari Pesantren, Gunung Agung, Jakarta, 19871 also contains numerous references to Wahab. The interview material used in this study was gathered during field research in Indonesia between June 1991 and July 1992, and in November and December 1994. 4 Most accounts of Wahab's birth date and early life seem to be sourced from Aboebakar's Sedjarah Hidup KHA. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, Panitya Buku Peringatan aim. KHA. Wahid Hasjim, Jakarta, 1957 (p. 121) or less commonly, Parlaungan's Tokoh-Tokoh Parlemen di Republik Indonesia, C.V. Gita, Jakarta, 1956 (p. 214). Both give the 1888 date for Wahab's birth, based presumably on information provided or approved by him. The reasons for questioning this date are numerous. When Wahab died in 1971, his age was stated to be about 88, thus implying he was born circa 1883. He was also known to be several years older than his close friend and brother-in-law, Bisri Syansuri, whose birth date was almost certainly 18 September 1886. Finally, further support for an earlier birth date comes from the chronology of Wahab's early life in Aboebakar. It suggests that he spent some 20 years from the age of 13 gaining an Islamic education from various teachers in Java and later Mecca (p.122) before settling in Surabaya when about 32. Given that Wahab had returned from the Middle-East by 1916, this indicates a birth date of about 1883-84. Although it would seem surprising that he would allow an incorrect birth date to be circulated, Wahab seems to have been little concerned with historical details. 5 Buku Informasi Pondok Pesantren Al-Lathifiyyah, Bahrul 'Ulum, Tambakberas, Pesantren Al-Lathifiyyah BU, Jombang, n.d., p.18. 6 His family claimed descent from King Brawijaya VI, one of the last (semi-mythical) rulers of Majapahit, and Jaka Tingkir, the sultan of the Sixteenth-century state of Pajang. See Saifuddin Zuhri, Abdulwahab, p.141. Wahab sometimes appended the aristocratic title 'Raden' to his name. 7 Aboebakar, p.121; and Abdurrahman Wahid, Kiai Bisri Syansuri Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjang Hayat, Amanah, Jakarta, 1989, p.8. 8 Aboebakar, p.122; and Abdurrahman Wahid, p.26. 9 Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 24; and interviews with KH Abdulwahab Turcham, Surabaya, 3 November 1991, Abdurrahman Wahid, Jakarta, 5 October 1991 and Zaini Dachlan, Jombang, 7 December 1994. For a description of the kelas musyawarah see Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren, LP3ES, Jakarta, 1982, p. 31. The best account of the contrasting approaches to Islamic jurisprudence of Wahab and Bisri can be found in Aziz Masyhuri, AI Maghfur-lah KHM Bishri Syansuri, Al Ikhlas, Surabaya, 1983, pp. 58-62. 10 Aboebakar, p. 121; Saifuddin Zuhri, Abdulwahab, p. 23; and interviews with Hasib Wahab (Wahab's son), Jombang, 28 October 1991 and Hasyim Latief, Sepanjang, 19 September 1991. 11 Aboebakar, p. 123. 12 Abdurrahman Wahid, pp. 15-16; Aziz Masyhuri, p. 29; and A. P. E. Korver, Sarekat (slam 1912-1916: Opkomst bloei en structuur van Indonesie's eerste massa beweging, Historisch Seminarium van de Universiteit van Amsterdam, Amsterdam, 1982, p. 77, n. 119. Some sources incorrectly state 1917 as the date for his homecoming (for example, Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 15). There can be little doubt that he had returned by 1915. Following the outbreak of the First World War, the Dutch government repatriated most Indonesians in the Hijaz. This was completed by early 1915 and shipping links between the East Indies and Jeddah did not resume until 1919. (See Martin van Bruinessen, 'Muslims of the Dutch East Indies and the Caliphate Question', Les Annales de l'Autre Islam, no. 2, 1994, pp. 263-5·) Wahab must have returned prior to the cessation of shipping as Dutch official documents from 1916 include him amongst the office-bearers of an Islamic school. Aboebakar also relates that Wahab was married in Surabaya by 1916 (p. 122). 14 Aboebakar, p. 125; and interview with Umroh Machfudzoh (Wahab's granddaughter), Yogyakarta, 2 January 1992. 15 Choirul Anam, Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan Nahdlatul Ulama, Jatayu Sala, Solo, 1985, p. 25; Soebagijo I. N., KH Mas Mansur: Pembaharu Islam di Indonesia, Gunung Agung, Jakarta, 1982, p. 21; and Saifuddin Zuhri, Abdulwahab, p. 25. Branches of Nahdlatul Wathan 16 Were opened in other Javanese cities during the next decade. Interviews with Zaini and Ridlwan Dachlan, Jombang, 7 December 1994 17 A copy of the original declaration of Nahdlatul Tujar's formation is held in the Lakpesdam library, Jakarta. According to Abdurrahman Wahid (p.23), the impetus for founding Nahdlatul Tujar came from Wahab, even though the original document accredits this role to Hasjim Asj'ari. 18 A syekh haj would be paid by intending pilgrims to handle travel and accommodation arrangements as well as give religious guidance. 19 Interviews with Umroh Machfudzoh, Yogyakarta, 2 January 1992: 1(11. Amynulloh, Jombang, 8 December 1994; and Ridlwan Dachlan, Jombang, 7 December 1994. Also, Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia, 1900-1912, Oxford University Press. Singapore, 1973, p. 229; and Soebagijo I. N., K. H Masjkur, Gunung Agung, Jakarta, 1982, p. 19. 20 Allegations and rumours of Wahab's mismanagement of hajj funds were commonplace in modernist circles and newspapers. Establishing the validity of such claims is almost impossible. It is noteworthy though that in traditionalist circles he enjoyed a good reputation as a syekh haj and maintained a busy agency until the late 1950s. Saifuddin Zuhri, Abdulwahab, p. 30. 22 Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 24; J.D. Legge, Sukarno: A Political Biography, George Alien and Unwin, Sydney, 1971, pp.54-55; Harsono Tjokroaminoto, Menelusuri Jejak Ayahku, Arsip Nasional RI, Jakarta, 1983, pp. 5 and 34; and Saleh Said, Kiyai Mas Mansur. Membuka dan Menutup Sejarahnya, Usaha Penerbitan Budi, Surabaya, n.d., p. 6. 23 Noer, p. 226. 24 Not to be confused with KH Achmad Dachlan from Yogyakarta, the founder of Muhammadiyah. Aboebakar, p. 469; Anam, p. 27; and M. Ali Haidar, Nahdlatul Ulama dan Islam di Indonesia. Pendekatan Fikih dalam Polirik, Gramedia, Jakarta, 1993, p 43. 25 Dhofier, p. 27; and Soebagijo, Masjkur, p. 18. 26 Aboebakar, pp. 470-1; Anam, p. 30; and Saifuddin Zuhri, Abdulwahab p.26. 27 Mansoer became one of Muhammadiyah's most influential figures during the 1930s and served as its chairman-general from 1937 to 1942. 28 Syubbanul Wathan, an organisation established by the younger traditionalist members of Nahdlatul Wathan, was well known for its Staunchly pro-Wahab views. The leaders of Syubbanul Wathan included such future NU leaders as Abdullah Ubaid, Tohir Bari, Abdul Halim Leuwimunding, and Nawawi (Jagalan). Anam, p. 31; Aboebakar, p.470; and interview with Zaini Dachlan and Muhammad Madchan, Jombang, 8 December 1994. 29 I am grateful to Natalie Mobini-Kesheh for providing information from the official Dutch report on this congress (Mailrapport 85x/23) held at the Algemeen Rijkarchief (The Hague), Ministry of Colonies. Also, Neratja, 4 and 7 November 1922; and Noer, p. 227.